FÉLICIEN KABUGA FACING TARGETED PERSECUTION AGAINST HUTU

Kabuga Félicien

By Jean Uwizeye

The trial of Félicien Kabuga has just started in The Hague in the Netherlands and already, the persecution of the accused leaves no doubt. At loggerheads with his lawyer Emmanuel Altit whom he does not want in any way for personal reasons of convenience, the court, in order not to fix things, imposes it on him annoyingly. Can we already read a premonitory sign there of the outcome of the trial?

How can he convince the court of his innocence and influence the decision in his favor if he is unable to prove the need to change his lawyer? Emmanuel Altit is a legal adviser, certainly competent, but whose social and cultural proximity to the theses of the RPF Inkotanyi does not inspire confidence in the Rwandan Hutu community. The acquaintance of Jewish circles with the Tutsi power of the RPF Inkotanyi in the name of the genocide is a major obstacle that has arisen for anyone who disagrees with the latter. One only has to see the lies contained in their cultural works and media in the service of the Tutsi supremacist regime. An illustration: “Genocide between relatives” The break-up of the parental couple responds to the rise of political tensions in Burundi and Rwanda, which will lead to civil war and the genocide of the Tutsis by the Hutus…”Rwanda is the equivalent of two Swiss cantons, about ten million people lived there at the time. Between 800,000 and one million people were killed by about three million people so it’s dizzying. ” article from France 24.com https://www.france24.com/fr/info-en-continu/20221108-g%C3%A9nocide-rwandais-le-petit-pays-de-ga%C3%ABl-faye-port%C3%A9-sur-sc%C3%A8ne-dans-le-sud-de-la-france

What country is he talking about? Why speak simultaneously of Rwanda and Burundi on a subject that only engages Rwanda if not to mask the genocide of the Burundian Hutu by the Burundian Tutsi. The census of the Rwandan population in the years 1990-1994 gave a figure of approximately 7,500,000 individuals. Frédéric Fisbach, a Jew because a Jew believes he has mastered the Hutu-Tutsi question without making the slightest effort to document himself. He participates in a multinational enterprise of demonization of the Hutu community, the result of which is the massacres of Kishishe and elsewhere in the Kivu.

In the Félicien Kabuga case, the composition of the judges called upon to rule on this case is not reassuring either: a Ugandan judge Elizabeth Ibanda-Nahamya, whose country was the main actor alongside the RPF Inkotanyi during the civil war Hutu-Tutsi who there is to ensure the safeguard of the interests of his homeland highly involved and reprehensible. This is also valid for the British Judge Iain Bonomy, of whom no one is unaware of the responsibility of the United Kingdom in the Rwandan drama and the African Great Lakes Region which continues to this day. In this lackluster and tasteless decor, a Tanzanian prosecutor Rashid S. Rashid; Tanzania in 1995 delivered Hutu refugees (+500,000) to certain death and its role in the Rwandan civil war is not to be demonstrated. With another British Rupert Elderkin, at his side without forgetting a Moroccan, Judge Mustapha El Baaj whose geopolitics of his country in Rwanda makes him a slave of evil.

The court is at the orders of the politicians in its functioning as well as in its spirit. The tribunal lacks the necessary authority and credibility. As proof, recently, Rwandan General James Kabarebe flouted the acquittal decision of General Gratien Kabirigi rendered by the ICTR on December 18, 2008. His decisions are contested on all sides, the acquitted languish in detention in violation of their right to compensation and reintegration into their family environments for many years. It is the same situation for those who have served their sentence. Is it still surprising that the accused preferred to be on the run? It’s not a trial. It’s an ambush.

The International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda and its residual mechanism in truth has been set up to bring the Hutu to justice in the hope that developed countries and belligerent countries will find a way to evade legal proceedings for their collaboration with the then Rwandan regime in various fields and their involvement in the Hutu-Tutsi civil war.

A regime that they overwhelm with all the evils wrongly and through. A regime that they themselves accuse of genocide to stifle suspicion against them. A regime accused by all to look away elsewhere to better make it disappear with its truths. Thus, for example, the period of the said genocide taken into account goes from January 1 to December 31, 1994. Instead of October 1, 1990, as written in the unrevised 2003 Rwandan constitution: “The State, within the limits of its capacities, takes special measures for the well-being of destitute survivors of the genocide committed in Rwanda from October 1, 1990, to December 31, 1994…”

It is also the reference date for the proponents of the so-called Hutu genocide, which corresponds to the start of the October 1990 war. The Rwandan regime, in its arm of strength with a certain number of countries, had reserved to sue and blackmail them through this law. This explains the divergence on the fateful date. The revised constitution in 2015 repealed article 14 by replacing it with article 50: “The State, within the limits of its means and in accordance with the law, has the duty to undertake special actions aimed at the well-being to be needy survivors of the genocide perpetrated against the Tutsi.” Probably, diplomatic pressure is no less for nothing for this slight but significant modification.

To tell the truth, the peaceful coexistence of Rwandans and justice are the last concern of the concerns of this international institution. That he is boycotting his unfair and biased trial is not a sign of weakness or guilt as the two prosecutors want to suggest. Stripped by age and disease of her ability to vigorously defend herself, the only way she has left to save her dignity is to let her lawyers go astray without her cooperation in her own rape. The court also has the mission of burying the truth with the victims. For all these reasons, it is better for anyone who is not fooled to take off. It is no wonder that Félicien Kabuga did everything to escape this sadistic treatment.

The charges against the accused are outlandish and reflect RPF Inkotanyi propaganda. Félicien Kabuga is a perfect scapegoat. A rich man who we want to pass off as the financier of the HABYARIMANA regime instead of the IMF, the World Bank and the developed countries which are traditional donors to poor countries.

The criminal chamber wants to prosecute him for his individual criminal responsibilities, but the indictment only relates the actions of the individuals who are to be associated with him by subordination without any document attesting to it. This story is based on hearsay only.The witnesses are either political opponents of President Habyarimana’s regime or prisoners of the Tutsi supremacist regime.

The accused does not appear in the organization chart of the interahamwe so that we can assign him a band under his orders. And besides, the interahamwe had not yet had the legal person to be able to do formal and reliable traceability. The war of April 06, 1994, broke out before the constitution of the necessary administrative procedures. Nor was he a soldier to assume any role of distributing armies in a military camp. Chairman and CEO of RTLM, he did not have a direct relationship of subordination with the journalists in question. The operation and preparation of the programs of the various programs had been entrusted to departmental directors with the responsibility that goes with it. In the company, we talk about transfer of responsibility to enhance the function of employees.

As a businessman, was his money put to good use by investing in the creation of RTLM? Entrepreneurship is an action of pursuing a profit by growing one’s capital and it is above all a risk taking to losing it. Investing in the media is a way of affording publicity. The promotion of the image has an important character on the life of the company and its internal and external collaborators in the long term. Félicien Kabuga obviously had no intention of harming his personal public image and that of his business.

As soon as this evidence is perceptible, it can be said that the creation of RTLM and the objective pursued obey the long-term interest of the partners in order to safeguard a positive image. The regulations in this area in Rwanda were in line with international norms and standards. By signing the agreement in the matter with the Ministry of Information, the accused proved his adherence to the noble values of living together.

The prosecutor says without the slightest evidence to support his statement that in 1992 the genocide was already underway! That the accused out of hostility towards the Tutsi supported the genocide at the national level in Kigali in Kimironko and in Muhima. It would be interesting for the prosecution to exhibit this famous genocidal project and its ideology that forged it. We therefore expect a description of a doctrine, theory or Hutu political theology reprehensible by law at the base of the ideology of the said genocide. Its planning, that is to say its action plan, its legal framework, its budget, its personnel in accordance and faithfully to the Rwandan tragedy. For Nazi businessmen, it is easy to find accounting books and sponsorship contracts. It’s a question of traceability.

The editorial line of RTLM.

To date, what has been broadcast on RTLM about the RPF Inkotanyi that has not yet materialized in its broadcasts before April 6, 1994? Executions and massacres of Rwandan Hutus and Hutus of other nationalities are still ongoing and topical. President Paul KAGAME and his followers do not miss the opportunity to explain their repugnant consideration of democracy. The political space is padlocked: the luckiest political opponents are in prison financed by the Kingdom of the Netherlands. Others more unfortunate have disappeared without leaving the slightest trace. Still others have already joined the world of the dead. With the exception of one or two political parties under the orders of the Rwandan government, the others have been banned. The Hutu-Tutsi civil war has overflowed the Rwandan borders and Rwanda is one of the main actors of the insecurity in the east of the Democratic Republic of the Congo.

Today, former Tutsi combatants of the RPF Inkotanyi speak openly in the media about their military struggle in Rwanda, Burundi and the DRC as a Tutsi cause, in other words an ethnic conflict which continues elsewhere. And to go further by saying that they dribbled (cheated) the Hutu who were at their side. Among those rare Rwandan Hutu are those who are still alive and living in Rwanda. Their mistake and failure learned this the hard way. Paul KAGAME and his family made many of their Tutsi traveling companions disappear to establish a tyranny beyond compare.

These RTLM themes have turned out to be prophecies. Certainly Simon BIKINDI in his songs did not have a genocidal doctrine, but perhaps a spirit of python like the biblical woman in the acts of the apostles 16: 16. The aggression of the DRC by Rwanda is just there for the prove to who still doubts the veracity of his political reading.

The brats disguised in the clothes of the lawyers will have to recognize that the people considered as Rwandan Hutu extremists were well informed about the intentions of the RPF Inkotanyi by the intelligence services. Do not confuse people determined to do battle with Tutsi supremacists with rabid racists. The well-founded fear of the Hutu at that time had nothing to do with racism or the rejection of the other. The Hutu have never underestimated the intelligence of the Tutsi who dominated us for centuries or their ability to restore their domination. The fear of being exterminated like the Burundian Hutu elites in 1972 had nothing to do with paranoia, because it happened to the Rwandan Hutu to a certain degree of appreciation. The ICTR completed this evil work by participating in the removal of seasoned Rwandan Hutu elites from the political scene in an unfair and discriminatory manner.

To avoid going too fast, the court should take into consideration the fact that Byumba, the accused’s native region, was a theater of war where the horrors of war could not leave indifferent any person concerned, well placed and having the financial means to react. Counterbalancing the propaganda of the RPF Inkotanyi and denouncing its murderous campaign in its zone of occupation, promoting alternative solutions to the conflict and warning against the duplicity of mean-spirited people are, among other things, the actions that everyone and everyone would have undertaken at their square.

The other reason for his political commitment alongside the presidential  majority is easily explained when we take into account the human dimensions of gratitude to a system that has guaranteed his success. For a knowledgeable man who owes everything to the achievements of the Rwandan revolution of 1959, why should he betray it? For an economic operator, led to import goods via the Northern Corridor, he was among the first to measure the impact of this unjustified war on the population and on the economy. This man, recognized in the business world made up of the various Rwandan communities, did he have a history against him before the October 1990 war? The hateful ethnic motive for his political involvement put forward by the prosecution must be proven and established beyond a reasonable doubt.

Did RTLM endanger the Tutsi community by delivering the truth about the criminal intentions and behavior of the RPF Inkotanyi? Wasn’t it also endangering the entire population by depriving them of this same information about the fate that awaited them? From the outset, it should be noted that when the accused Félicien Kabuga was called upon to defend RTLM at the ministerial level as CEO of RTLM, a ministry in the hands of his radio’s opponents got away with it without judicial conviction. Because the accusations were not of a serious and probative nature. It was quibbling. Here is an example: https://youtube.com/shorts/FlrZJuAVk9A?feature=shar. A political tactic of raising minor issues in order to confuse or demonize the adversary in his certainties and projects.

This is taking a wrong turn by reducing all the deeds and gestures of the Hutu to the programming of the genocide while other probative factors driving the violence experienced are left aside to spare the RPF Inkotanyi from being prosecuted for its role and its responsibilities in the Rwandan drama. With regard to the question of knowing who endangered the Rwandan population as a whole and the Tutsis in what concerns this case, the answer to the question to be asked is found in the same indictment: it is said that the war was the source of anti-Tutsi sentiment. It is well known that this war was initiated by Tutsi elements of the Ugandan Army. Not prosecuting the Rwandan Patriotic Front for this charge amounts to discrimination.

In the sefer torah of diabolical origin that is the Duclert report, it says this: “The Rwandan army because of its structural weaknesses does not seem able to reduce subversion with its own means and to control the borders to prevent further infiltration. Under these conditions, and unless a process of negotiation is initiated, the guerrilla warfare risks lasting and therefore degenerating into inter-ethnic clashes.P.70-71.

Civil war is the reaction engine for souring Hutu-Tutsi relations, and on page 98: “Caught in the midst of what she perceives as an ethnic conflict threatening to spiral out of control and otherwise become the only military support for President Habyarimana, France is seeking, from the beginning of October, a negotiated solution to the crisis.” To conclude with this already pessimistic observation in February 1993: “I don’t see why the RPF would renounce such a close victory.” P238

The lure of total power within its reach pushed the RPF Inkotanyi to put the population at risk of inter-ethnic violence. Who says better? Plato said: “Some take advantage of the impotence of the state in anarchy to overthrow the government and establish their tyranny.” At this pace, there are two other charges that hang over the RPF Inkotanyi like a sword of Damocles in this case of so-called tutsi genocide: it is about the non-assistance to person in danger and his participation active in massacres by its elements.

For all intents and purposes, it must be remembered that to deprive the RPF Inkotanyi and its armed wing APR of the pretext to pursue its war in the name of democracy, the regime of President Habyarimana restored the multiparty system in 1991 and charged the government which came the important task of ending the war by conducting tough negotiations with the RPF Inkotanyi. It was then that the RPF Inkotanyi began to justify its offensives as a response to the massacres of the Tutsi. The said massacres were mounted and carried out by the RPF Inkotanyi itself. The prosecutor needs to update his database!

This recipe for conquest of power is adored in the West by white supremacists. The recipe is always served on all auspicious occasions. Currently, Rwanda under the camouflage of the M23 justifies its nth war of aggression against the DRC as a response to the problems of the Tutsi. In 2015, it was Burundi that paid the price in the name of the so-called genocide of the Tutsi, this time Burundian.

LA RTLM from April 06, 1994, to his disappearance

It surprises very the reproaches raised in the indictment. The eruption of violence after the terrorist attack on the Rwandan presidential plane swept away a large number of the Rwandan population without ethnic distinction. The number of victims in itself is proof of this. No one was immune to this murderous, human madness. Some speak of the Rwandan genocide taking into account all the victims. Others, through a discriminatory, divisionist process, speak of the so-called genocide of the Tutsis. And yet, the common point of the victims is that they were confused with inyenzi-inkotanyi. An inclusive and non-discriminatory designation would be the genocide against the inyenzi-inkotanyi. But there too, it is daring to speak of genocide strictly speaking because of the elements of the RPF Inkotanyi who participated in this Rwandan drama.

The accused long wanted for Rwandan genocide and today prosecuted for the so-called tutsi genocide ! The indictment is adjusted according to the wishes of the political line of the Tutsi supremacist regime. This modification inevitably has unfortunate consequences in the indictment. It is above all the proof of the fabrication of the accusations and the lack of control of the subjects to be addressed. To get rid of the passions and emotions fueled by RPF Inkotanyi propaganda through the mainstream media, the court should patiently meditate on this short sentence from the Vincent Duclert report: “An ethnic conflict threatening to escalate uncontrollably.” This assertion in itself refutes any planning and hands-on events to be judged.

The name inyenzi-inkotanyi in no way designates the Tutsi although the majority of the Tutsi were sympathizers. The term inyenzi is an acronym for the armed wing of the Rwandan politico-military movements of the 1960s which fought for the restoration of the Nyiginya-Tutsi monarchy and the return of King Kigeli V Ndahindurwa abolished by the referendum of September 25, 1961. Many Hutu were inyenzi. Tongues have loosened, veterans of this movement speak easily. Recently, Paul KAGAME himself tried to establish a link between the inyenzi-inkotanyi to give the origin of his politico-military inspiration of his commitment to the RPF/APR Inkotanyi.

The name Inkotanyi is another name that the descendants of the inyenzi gave themselves when the politico-military movement FPR Inkotanyi was created in 1987. Their political vision is not so fundamentally different. Their questioning of the Rwandan revolution of 1959 and its achievements coined this term inyenzi-inkotanyi to challenge and rally the internal political opposition undermined by the kiga-nduga antagonism against Kalinga, the common enemy who came from outside. A diplomat in Kigali understood its meaning and reality in these terms:

“We are witnessing the realization of President Museveni’s initial plan, as it was initiated by General Rwigyema’s attack on October 1, 1990, in Kagitumba. Formed by a core of Tutsi emigrants who had served in the Ugandan army, the Rwandan Patriotic Front aimed, if not to restore the old monarchy, at least to bring about the triumph of a regime in appearance, relying on the principle of national unity (there was no question of a multi-party system), but within which the Tutsi minority would have the opportunity to assert its cultural, technical and economic superiority. To achieve this objective, it was necessary to overcome the deep hostility of the Hutu, still imbued with the memory of the 1959 revolution which had consecrated the victory of the “popular majority” over the administrative oligarchy of the time. This was counted on the discontent of the underprivileged masses, victims of nepotism and corruption. We counted above all on the antagonism of the people of the south (banyanduga) frustrated by the 1973 coup d’etat which had placed the Akazu (inner circle) of the Bashiru (clan of President Habyarimana) in power. This amalgamation of the dissatisfied from within with the heirs of the old aristocracy could not be made in 1990, framed by the single party, the Hutu country viscerally resisted the external aggression, in spite of the behavior at the beginning very correctness of the RPF with regard to the populations of the attacked zones.”

The accused is accused of not having used his authority as CEO of RTLM to put an end to the incriminated broadcasts. In view of the security context of the time, this accusation, if not removed, should be mitigated by its insolence. An unexpected and insurmountable fact undermined the legitimate authority of public and private institutions and administrations after the assassination of senior Rwandan authorities. In this chaotic context, did the accused still have it or enough? Could he exercise without putting his own life in danger of death in the face of journalists under the influence of drugs?

In any case, a journalist on the air admitted to taking drugs. Surely, they take it to give themselves courage in the face of bullets, bombs and death that crawled and mowed down everyone and everything in the theater of war that Kigali had become a real butchery. The impact of war live on the airwaves, in their workplaces, in markets, at home and in hospitals has surely weighed on the nerves of novices. Had these journalists been trained to work on the front line or in a theater of conflict? Did they receive military training? Who were their informants in the street and in the places where the victims were hidden? Why were they coordinating with them on the radio like it was a walkie-talkie radio for the world to see? Was there not an intention to harm and compromise RTLM in national and world opinion?

The negative effects of the war and the feeling of self-defense in the face of a generalized offensive by the RPF/APR Inkotanyi surely played its part, but everything indicates that there was also a clear desire to harm the long-term interests of RTLM.

Also, the massacres committed by the RPF Inkotanyi, the wounded, the refugees and the deaths due to the offensive of the RPF Inkotanyi were not of nature to reason with fragile minds. To escape this predicted disaster without taking part in the carnage, the instinct for survival invited everyone to ostentatiously demonstrate their patriotism in their particular and proper context. Any action of sabotage and subversion against the functioning of RTLM could come up against enemy double agents who swarmed in numbers in all corners of the country’s decision-making bodies as well as in private institutions. Like Lieutenant-Colonel Laurent Munyakazi, Koloni Placide, Rucagu Boniface, Iyamuremye Augustin…

King Solomon in his wisdom, he said to inexperienced, wise, and even intelligent people: “Be careful what you think deep inside yourself: it is more important than anything, because your life depends on it.” Proverb 4:23. Silence is not necessarily synonymous with complacency.

Basically, what is the power of a business leader? There are three powers at his disposal. The first is the power of status. It stems from the official function and the control of resources desired by the collaborators. The second power relies on coalitions and dependencies. This is the principle of reciprocity called relational power. The third power corresponds to qualities that others see and find in you. How to exercise it without arousing a suspicion of obligatory mistrust with regard to traitors? What is the place to be given to insubordination, to the beheading of the head of the Rwandan state as well as the loss of the authority of the institutions which were supposed to maintain order.

If he had gone into exile and denounced RTLM, that could have made a big difference? Nothing indicates it. Nothing also says that he did not take a step in this direction of appeasement without success. In the blind spot, another relevant question is imposed on the court; between the priorities of the moment, was it necessary to fight the RPF Inkotanyi which threatens his own life and that of a large number of lives or was it necessary to face the lost soldiers and the lost militiamen with the same danger, and with what means?

Supporting the military defeat of the inyenzi-nkotanyi seems to obey logic knowing that one of the two belligerents favored military confrontation as a means of achieving his ends. On the government side, it was said that because of the RPF Inkotanyi offensive, the means in men and materials were lacking to be directed to the restoration of order. While for the RPF Inkotanyi, its offensive was presented as its means of putting an end to the massacres and saving its people. While the cessation of fighting could have been enough to pool resources and restore order. What better thing did the accused have to do in such a case to upset the situation apart from finding the armed forces to defeat the armed enemy? We can refer to what is happening in Ukraine; the West has chosen to support Ukraine without taking into account the neo-Nazis azov and others, because the priority for them is the defeat of the Russian army. The West has abandoned Afghanistan in the hands of the Taliban to visibly come to fight Russia in Ukraine. It is a matter of priorities and sacrifices.

Let’s avoid dark in primary anti-Nazism said Pierre Desproges. All the prosecution witnesses are inveterate liars under the influence of the RPF Inkotanyi. The accused Félicien Kabuga had a large number of employees in these economic activities in several places of work. With the surge of refugees in Kigali fleeing the atrocities of the RPF/APR Inkotanyi, a good number of them scattered among their relatives who had the means to house and feed them. That among these people, there are people who enlisted in the massacres after the attack on the head of state Juvénal HABYARIMANA does not engage the responsibility of Mr. Félicien Kabuga in any way. Where could he denounce them without jeopardizing his own safety?

The bewitched of the Tutsi supremacist regime make the amalgams. The testimonies in their possession constitute a made-up story that fools believe to be true. And to take a fair measure of it, let’s start by denouncing the ambient demagoguery:

In Rwanda, the Tutsi supremacist regime did not remove ethnic mansions from official documents. For example, there is an official document entitled: Certificate of the survivor of the Genocide perpetrated against the Tutsi in Rwanda in 1994. https://www.ambarwanda.be/etat-civil

The interahamwe’s loincloth clothing had nothing to do with a camouflage uniform. This is just a trick by the prosecution to accentuate the fact that the interahamwe would have received military training and that they operated in concert with the army as militiamen. Frodouard Karamira, a Tutsi who called for Hutu power, that is to say who called for rallying around a power in the hands of the Hutu; his action should more disconcert the room before concluding quickly in the direction of the propaganda of the Inyenzi-inkotanyi.

No way, Hutu power does not mean Hutu equals power. This slogan was borrowed from the Black power movements. From there, we can understand the malicious pleasure of the white supremacists around Paul KAGAME and his family, who go to great lengths to demonize and classify this term among the words targeted as racist. It is the battle of words and ideas. Negroes should be more suspicious because danger is waiting for you. Hutu supremacy does not exist and has never been claimed anywhere. This is, moreover, the fundamental error of all researchers committed to the political line of the RPF Inkotanyi who draw parallels with Nazism and anti-Semitism. The notion of racial superiority and its disclosure remains to be proven.

In the genocidal process of the Nazis, the deprivation of civil and military rights, the bans on exercising such employment in any field whatsoever are, among other things, the telltale signs of the observable exclusion and persecution of Jews. In Rwanda, on the other hand, from the monuments commemorating the Tutsi, we realize that these people were sufficiently incorporated into all the institutions of the country and that they were not alienated from their civil rights.

The pogroms in Christian Europe have punctuated the life of the Jews for nearly 2 millennia in the name of Christianity. While in Rwanda of Kalinga, the Tutsi rule over more than 400 years over the Hutu channeled the monopoly of physical and moral violence towards the highest peaks of observable human decay in the political, social, economic, military and social organization. Cultural works and everyday language still bear witness to this reality. It was the period of territorial expansion and submission of the conquered peoples, in this case the Hutu.

Since 1959; the Hutu-Tutsi are violently competing for power because of the refusal of the Tutsi supremacists to lose their domination in favor of the emergence of a new Rwandan society based on universal values of human rights in a regime representative of the entire population. To annihilate the emancipation movements, the Nyiginya-Tutsi royal court had mobilized an army which unleashed hostilities which, at the end of the clashes, led to the end of the monarchy by a referendum. Democracy, like demography, has always worked against the Tutsi supremacists.

People in bad faith seek to confuse the numerical superiority of the Rwandan Hutu 85% of the population with ethnic supremacy based on erroneous values. On the contrary, it is the supremacist Nyiginya-Tutsi aristocrats and their descendants who rely on their long historical reign to despise the Hutu mass deemed unfit to take care of public affairs for the simple reason that the conquest of their land by force had subjected them to servitude, to misery forever. A Japanese proverb says: when one is in need, one descends to the level of the brute. In Rwanda the Hutus have always been taken for brutes.

The advent of the Republic and the recovery of Independence did not stop the violence of the Tutsi supremacist aristocrats until this moment. Either to regain lost power or to maintain it; violence is in order. Through its brief illustrations, the Shoah has nothing in common with what is said about the Tutsis and what happened in Rwanda.

Félicien Kabuga with his notoriety, did he treat the Tutsi as snakes during a meeting without echoing the newspapers of the time? Without uprising or outrage from opposition political parties? The dehumanization of the Tutsi is a lie hatched by the RPF Inkotanyi to support the thesis of the persecution of the Tutsi:

“The meeting with RPF representatives on November 8, 1990 is described in a diplomatic telegram issued by the French Embassy in Kampala273. It is carried out at the initiative of Germany, according to Pasteur Bizimungu who represents the RPF. Also present are Protais Musoni and Faustin Kayumba Nyamwasa, important executives of the RPF. Paul Kagame is not mentioned among the participants. RPF representatives indicate that they agree to dialogue with Kigali and affirm that they do not want President Habyarimana to be ousted but only want to assume a share of power. On the other hand, they claim to be determined to continue the fighting if the Rwandan president persists in his blocking. Giving their agreement to the organization of a regional conference, they are skeptical about its chances of success. Finally, they warn their French interlocutors about the “double language of Habyarimana”274. According to them, when the Rwandan president speaks in French, for the use of international observers, he seems to be making concessions. In reality, when he expresses himself in Kinyarwanda for his supporters, he develops an extremist discourse. Note the place of the insult. The representatives of the RPF point out that the official radio station of Rwanda uses degrading terms towards them. They are referred to as “Ugandan soldiers” – which makes the confrontation a foreign war but above all an “inyenzy” one: “Thus, on the airwaves of Radio Rwanda, he persists in calling the RPF combatants Ugandan soldiers and the decked out with the nickname Inyenzi, which means cockroaches in Kinyarwanda”275. The presence of this passage in the minutes of a high-level diplomatic meeting leads us to pause for a moment on the question of insult. It is associated, as we know, with the historical environment of war: we insult the enemy to impress him and to give ourselves the courage to pursue him, injure him, kill him. But assimilation to an animal proceeds from the mechanisms of genocide in that it denies the other the status of human being, authorizing all transgressions. It is not insignificant that this question was raised during one of the first meetings between the RPF and a French minister. » p.112-113 Duclert report

In this excerpt from the Duclert report, it is clear that the word inyenzi designates RPF Inkotanyi fighters and not all Tutsi as the prosecutors want the judges to believe. On the other hand, the writers of the report by their will to harm pretend to ignore the origin of his word and to arrange it among the insults. The word inyenzi has been discussed throughout this article. It has nothing to do with an insult. In the long list of Rwandan insults, this one does not appear.

Note above all that from the word knowingly diverted from its meaning, the graciously remunerated genocide experts have established a fantastical cause and effect link with the events which plunged Rwanda into mourning in 1994.The judges will have to recognize that the word inyenzi designates indiscriminately the Tutsis as well as the Hutus: The representatives of the RPF stress that the official radio station of Rwanda uses degrading terms towards them. They are referred to as “Ugandan soldiers” – which makes, the confrontation, a foreign war, but above all an “inyenzy”. This Pasteur Bizimungu representing RPF Inkotanyi, who complained, is a Hutu.

In the long list of Rwandan insults that apply indiscriminately to Hutu-Tutsi-Twa, two insults with animal connotations are regularly used; one is to call someone a dog, i.e. a good-for-nothing, a coward… And the other also is to call someone a snake. Someone cunning and dangerous like the serpent’s tongue who deceived Eve and Adam. To develop this point and unmask the enemies of peace, it is important to question the general culture of each person.

When you talk about the land of eagles, Albania comes to mind. It is the literal translation of the word Albania, and it is also the symbol of the double-headed eagle on the national flag of red color. No way, the Albanians do not complain of insult to them on this subject. It seems that the Rwandan football team is called the Wasps. To this day, Rwandans are happy with it. No one takes offense at being the vermin. In Benin, there is a python temple. Men worship the serpent. No comments on it. Jesus once said: “Behold, I am sending you as sheep among wolves. So be wise like serpents, and simple like doves.”Mathieu 10: 16. Currently, the RPF/APR/RDF Inkotanyi sports a lion in its emblems. A lion like a snake is dangerous wild animals. How is it dehumanizing the snake compared to the lion?

By these simple examples, we realize the intellectual dishonesty of the Inyenzi-inkotanyi. Fallaciously, he seeks to victimize himself and that does not stand up to logic and Rwandan culture in general. Let’s admit for a moment that Félicien Kabuga would have said, pronounced his words as he is accused of: he would have used a metaphor that underlines the dangerousness of the snake. But the lion is no less. In political science, Machiavelli in his pedagogical instructions to princes recommends to be cunning like a fox and to be fierce like a lion in the exercise of power. A Rwandan saying related to political science used indiscriminately by Tutsi and Hutu says: you refuse to give your blood to the nation, and it is the dogs who feast on it for free. In short, a metaphor is a style of language that uses a concrete term to express an abstract notion by analogical substitution, without there being any element formally introducing a comparison.

The long Nyiginya-Tutsi political tradition which resurfaces in the Rwandan political sphere under the promotion of Rwandan culture as a source of endogenous solutions (Article 11 of the constitution.) can help in understanding the kanguka newspaper article on women Tutsi. Indeed, through the amatorero and in cultural broadcasts, participants are instilled with the heroic values of yesteryear. Using the character of Robwa as a person who completed her kamikaze mission against a foreign power, she is often exemplified as a symbol of patriotism in the 15th century.

She is a daughter, sister of King Ruganzu I Bwimba who sealed a marriage with the King of Gisaka without intending to give him an heir to the throne for fear of seeing the kingdom of Rwanda disappear in favor of her own son from the King of Gisaka who could carry out an annexation by this means. Pregnant, she committed suicide before giving birth. From this example ingrained in the collective memory and there are many others; the marriage of Tutsi women in connection with power is always suspected of containing a hidden vice.

According to Moss Kanter Rosabeth, power is rarely looked upon favorably, and those who covet it do not inspire trust or even fear. Those who hold it refute it; those who aspire to it do not want to appear to be running after it and those who engage in its maneuvers do so in secret. So go the world.

In this case alone, we can identify three immoral acts that marked the Rwandan conscience forever: deception and betrayal of the trust given between the spouses. Murder of an unborn child and suicide, political infiltration in defiance of marital and extended family values. It is not for nothing that the Bible says: “Do not plan to harm your friend when he lives near you in trust.” Proverb 3:29.

In the amatorero, the participants learn there the handling of the armies and the combat without army, the political line of the FPR Inkotanyi and the intelligence for the elected officials who show a certain aptitude. In the years 1987, this initial training had a duration of 3 months. It should simply be remembered that this practice of Nyiginya-Tutsi political and military initiation goes back a long way in time. Its survival fuels all sorts of speculation, fear and mistrust. The old Rwandan political society is neither Christian nor Muslim, it does not obey an identifiable morality or ethics, everything depends on magical consultations. Its understanding completely escapes anyone unaware of the Nyiginya-Tutsi political tradition.

The intention of this article is not to justify or deny the evil, but to give explanations which can help to grasp the political stakes, the particular context and to enlighten the general public on a file which has repercussions on every one of the Rwandans. Bringing justice to the victims is the only way to ensure that such things cannot happen again. However, the ICTR has so far shone with discriminatory practices and the lack of justice.

Félicien Kabuga’s file is meaningless and does not take into account Rwandan historiography and the particular context of the seething sequences of events to be judged. All the elements of the counts lack coherence. The witnesses like the indictment lie madly. Either the indictment is of poor quality, or it is the innocence of the accused that is undeniable.

With the assassination of President Juvenal HABYARIMANA, the accused lost from that moment his most decisive source of authority. At least his authority has been toned down. The creation of RTLM obeyed international norms and standards. Adherence to the charter in the matter is proof of the absence of intention to harm oneself or others. The demonization of the accused and the charges against him are only a political maneuver to complete the destruction of the Hutu elites. His participation in the removal of our parents and elders from the political sphere does not inspire confidence. The discrimination of the ICTR is responsible for the millions of deaths in the Democratic Republic of the Congo and the security crisis in the African Great Lakes region. This article is a tribute and an encouragement to resist the tyranny that imposes on us.

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